Tuesday, September 2, 2014

Fourteenth Ten Postings of Gravitas

The following list of titles and accompanying dates refers to past postings on the blog, Gravitas: A Voice for Civics Education, that have been deleted.  After each title and date, the entries below include the first paragraph of each respective posting.  If you care to receive a copy of a particular posting, send your request via email to gravitascivics@gmail.com .  One posting per request.

131 FACTORS AFFECTING ADOPTION OF A MORAL CODE
(December 9, 2011)

In trying to develop a moral code suitable for providing a theoretical basis for values curriculum in civics, one needs to keep several factors in mind. If you follow this blog, you know that I have been developing such a code. I would like, in this posting, to identify several of those factors.

132 THE “INS AND OUTS” OF THE FEDERALIST MORAL CODE
(December 12, 2011)

In my last posting, I listed several factors that would affect the adoption of a moral code, a code that would be useful in the formulation of a values curriculum in civics. They are abstraction level, secular approach, and religious diversity. You are invited to click on the archival entry to see my explanation of each of these factors. This posting will pursue the notion of what the proposed moral code does or does not address. I have written that my proposed code, the federalist moral code, is limited. It is not in any way presented as a code one needs to adopt for one's own sense or standard of what is moral. It is a code that can serve as a source for identifying moral concerns or questions for pedagogic purposes. Teachers and curriculum developers can summon from the code ideas or topics that can then be used in civics and other social studies classes. Its benefits are that it gives direction as to what is moral and what is immoral when it comes to public policy. In my mind, it is derived from moral theories espoused by central philosophers of the western tradition. To date, I have identified its trump value and a set of instrumental values. In this posting, I want to further describe its limitations as a moral code.

133 IMPLEMENTING FEDERALIST MORAL CODE IN THE CLASSROOM
(December 16, 2011)

Of late, I have been, through this blog, presenting a moral code. The purpose has been to present a code that will be suitable for guiding values education efforts in our public schools while promoting a federalist view of civics. In this posting, I will review many of the elements of the code as I present some instructional ideas that can be incorporated in implementing the code.

134 TWO POSSIBLE CONCERNS OVER THE FEDERALIST MORAL CODE
(December 19, 2011)

Since October 17th I have, in this blog, been presenting a moral code that I am offering as a guide for a values education effort in our public schools. I have given it the name, federalist moral code. The code has a trump value of societal welfare, a hierarchical structure of values, and a list of “instrumental” values that logically fall from the trump value. These latter values include constitutional integrity (liberty), equality, communal democracy, democratic pluralism and diversity, compacted arrangements, critical and transparent deliberations, collective problem-solving, earned trust, loyalty, expertise and patriotism.

135 A DIRECTION
(December 23, 2011)

I have in past postings lamented the low levels of political participation among our youth. I have also reported research that not only backs up the above contention but also identifies uncomfortable levels of narcissism and nihilism among the young. I have attached these unwelcome conditions to the prevailing civic (or is it non civic) to a frame of mind, the natural rights construct. That is, I have argued that the natural rights construct has been an enabler of such conditions; I have argued that this construct promotes a moral position in which people are told they are free to determine what value orientation they wish to follow. While this, on paper, seems to patriotically bolster attitudes of freedom and liberty, when this ideal or moral orientation is taught in schools, youngsters have basically adopted very self-centered moral outlooks. Young people have further solidified this collective perspective with a youth culture that has evolved, particularly in our large urban comprehensive high schools. The whole “liberty” thing, I have argued, has manifested itself in a slew of antisocial behaviors from mere impoliteness to criminal activity. Over the course of this blog, all of these claims have been supported by research citations or expert opinion in previous postings.

136 A COMMUNAL WISH
(December 26, 2011)

I have presented, through a series of postings, a moral code offered as a foundation for a values education component of a civics/social studies curriculum. Its particulars have been developed since my October 17th posting. Perhaps I will edit them into a single piece so that interested people can review this argumentation in a more convenient format. But for now, I want to conclude this presentation with this summary posting.

137 COMPREHENSIVENESS OF OLD TIME FEDERALISM
(December 30, 2011)
One of the writers that has an ongoing influence on my efforts in this blog is Eugene J. Meehan (Meehan, E. J. (1969). Explanations in social science: A system paradigm. Homewood, IL: The Dorsey Press.). I have cited him before in relation to my critiques of both the natural rights construct and the critical theory construct. Back in 1969, he offered a set of standards by which to evaluate social science theories or models. I applied those standards in my critiques (I also added a couple of standards of my own). I point out his influence here to admit that he also affects me in explaining my own construct, the liberal federalist construct (aka federalist theory). In the next series of postings, Meehan's concerns have encouraged me to delve into another historical report on how a more traditional federalism influenced the development of our national political framework.

138 TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM'S COMPLETENESS AND VALIDITY
(January 2, 2012)
In the last posting, I viewed traditional federalism, the form of federalist theory that held significant influence during the foundation of the nation, in terms of its comprehensiveness. Borrowing Eugene J. Meehan's standards for social science theory and models, I was of the opinion that traditional federalism was substantially comprehensive because the construction's implementation of the principles of equity, which is only one aspect of the construct, casts a wide purview over our domestic politics. Add to this its other principles, liberty (as defined by this view) and public virtue, this view allows any researcher or educator who uses the theory to have a substantial base or approach to the study of politics and governance in the US.

139 TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM'S LACK OF CLARITY
(January 6, 2012)

I have in this blog reviewed the historical role that federalist thought had in the founding of the nation and its political/governmental institution. I have also presented a moral code based on a federalist perspective. I am presently, based on these two prior efforts, formulating in these postings a series of conclusions regarding the viability of what I am calling traditional federalism – the political construct of the early American founders. That is, using Eugene Meehan's standards for evaluating social science theories and models, I am passing judgment on the usefulness of traditional federalism as a model of governance and politics in the US. So far, I have concluded that the model has a meaningful level of comprehensiveness, but I could not form a conclusion regarding the model's completeness and validity. This is due to the model's assumption that our politics meaningfully includes the varied interests making up our political landscape. There are political commentators and scientists who question the degree to which lower and middle income groups are able to participate. Some argue that the system basically is of, by, and for corporate and higher income groups. You are welcome to click on the last two postings for explanations of these arguments.

140 CONSISTENCY OF TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM
(January 9, 2012)

In my attempt to pass judgment on the traditional federalism construct, I have posted critiques on that construction's comprehensiveness, completeness, validity, and clarity. I have done this using Meehan's criteria for evaluating social science theories and models. This short posting will pass judgment on the construction's consistency; i. e., traditional federalism's ability to provide a consistent explanation and/or description over time.

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