Thursday, August 21, 2014

Thirteenth Ten Postings of Gravitas

The following list of titles and accompanying dates refers to past postings on the blog, Gravitas: A Voice for Civics Education, that have been deleted.  After each title and date, the entries below include the first paragraph of each respective posting.  If you care to receive a copy of a particular posting, send your request via email to gravitascivics@gmail.com .  One posting per request.

121 AN IMPORTANT DISTINCTION FROM UTILITARIANISM
(November 4, 2011)

While absent from many of our classrooms for many years, formal values education (as opposed to unintentional values education) should be part of the curriculum of public schools. Assuming you agree, to which grand theory should such an effort ascribe? I believe that a grand theory is called for because teachers in such an effort need to know what's all right to talk about and what's not. If that be the case, then I firmly believe that affected educators should be serious about such a choice and invest due diligence in making their decision. Even with such approaches that turn out to be unintentional efforts, as is the case in most classrooms today, educators should be aware of what they are about. For example, civics and social education that utilize the natural rights perspective as a grand theory – a perspective that limits the formulation of values, as well as other life defining decisions, to the individual – do subtly promote a value position. That position is valuing that any public entity, including public schools, should not dictate a value orientation to students; it is simply not a public issue. The practical consequence of such a position, as I have argued in this blog, is to create a vacuum which is filled by the mass media with its materialistic and salacious proclivities and the youth culture that has evolved in many of our schools, especially in large urban facilities. I have concluded that such a state of affairs has enabled the development of levels of narcissism, nihilism, and incivility that the nation has experienced in ever growing levels over the last fifty or so years. Much space in this blog has been dedicated to substantiating the conclusion that those levels have become definite social and political problems plaguing the nation.

122 A SECOND LOOK AT ARISTOTLE
(November 7, 2011)

A review of my last couple of postings will convey to you my understanding of utilitarianism. I, while seeing it as a secular view of morality (a legally necessary requirement for pedagogic uses in public schools), judge it to be wanting in terms of providing us with a construct on which to build a moral theory suitable for values education. My chief complaint is that its foundation relies on individual desires; that is, what is moral equates to what is desired by the most people in a given society. This approach calls for relevant policy makers engaging in complicated calculations to determine what constitutes moral choices among public policy options. Also into the mix are concerns for individual rights which are threatened by a radical utilitarianism. The writings of John Stuart Mill assist us in dealing with this problem although not, in my estimation, entirely.

123 OH, IMMANUEL KANT
(November 11, 2011)

In trying to develop a moral code which educators can use as a foundation to build a values curriculum, I have combed western philosophic tradition to seek ideas. To date, my postings have reviewed the ideas of Aristotle and the utilitarians. The utilitarians offer an essential element. That is, they argue for a secular approach to moral thinking. Constitutional constraints dictate that any approach in our public schools to develop a values curriculum needs to be secular due to the “establishment” clause of the First Amendment. In terms of Aristotle, I argued that the ancient philosopher gives us a communal approach to morals that relegates the starting point of utilitarianism as being detrimental. He does that by providing a communal basis for morality, which undermines the utilitarian starting point, individual desires. This blog has expressed in previous postings my concerns with an individualistic approach to curricular content and that extends to values education. I judge utilitarian thought as being excessively individualistic.

124 THREE IDEAS OF PRAGMATIC MORALS
(November 14, 2011)

To date, this blog, over the last several postings, has reviewed the works of western philosophers to find useful ideas in an attempt to develop a moral code. That code will then be utilized in designing the basis for a values education curriculum theory – at least that's its purpose. The need for such a theory is justified by a lack of moral direction among our youth and the overwhelming failure of public schools to address this shortfall. My justification for this latter claim is made based on my years as an educator, the evidence of the lack of civility among the young I have reported in previous postings, and the work of James Hunter in his book, The Death of Character: Moral Education in an Age without Good and Evil. As for relevant, philosophic ideas, this blog has cited Aristotle (morality based on the communal concern for the polity), utilitarians such as John Stuart Mill (morality based on consequential results and individual desires), Immanuel Kant (morality based on the centrality of the rational individual and the universalizing consequences of behavior), and David Hume (admonishment to not derive “oughts” from “its”). Interested readers are encouraged to review the postings of this blog since October 17, 2011, to see how these contributions were incorporated.

125 WISHY-WASHY
(November 18, 2011)

In the last posting, I wrote a short review of pragmatism's view of morality. I summarized those beliefs around three ideas: the future orientation of pragmatic thinking, the inexorable connection between means and ends, and the tie between what is moral and the interests of associations. Within this construct there are related biases such as the qualified reliance on history and an avoidance of an a priori set of values. You are invited to click on the last posting to see how I developed these ideas.

126 A MORAL FUNCTION FOR HISTORY
(November 21, 2011)

I have argued that the effort to determine what is moral behavior can benefit from the study of history. I made this claim as part of my attempt at developing a moral code suitable as a basis for a social education curriculum, especially in civics. I observed that our civics and social studies instruction has shied away from moral questions or any effort at instructing students as to what is moral or immoral – a situation that has prevailed in our public schools the last fifty or so years. I have claimed that such a neglect has been unfortunate in that it has deprived our youngsters needed instruction in this area of concern. In pursuit of this moral code, I have cited the works of several western philosophers. Specifically, in my last posting I introduced a “history” angle to my ongoing effort and it was prompted by the works of the pragmatists, especially that of John Dewey. They, the pragmatists, give a guarded call for the study of history as a “tool” in addressing moral questions. I judged that despite their use of history, the pragmatists' reliance on it was somewhat reluctant – their claim being that the discipline suffered from a lack of objectivity. In this posting, I will further the promotion of history, beyond that of the pragmatists, for the purposes of informing our moral decision-making.

127 SOCIETAL WELFARE AS A TRUMP VALUE
(November 25, 2011)

I suppose that if you have kids, you feel it is very important to instill in them a sense of right and wrong, moral and immoral, good and bad. Even if you were not to feel this way, you would end up doing so either by the house rules you have imposed or, if not even at that level, by your indifference to such concerns – the value of indifference. Our communication of values is unavoidable, either from a proactive effort or a passive posture. So it is with our schools. In the last fifty or so years, we have mostly adopted a passive approach. We have reaped the consequences of such a strategy and those consequences have in many ways been experienced in the highly nihilistic youth subculture we observe among too many of our youths. Such a state is realized in the heightened levels of bullying, drug consumption, criminal behavior, anti communal biases, and general narcissism expressed in our popular media and arts. I have, in previous postings, cited either empirical evidence or expert opinion to support these claims. For this blog, it is time to begin formulating a moral code that can be utilized by our educators in order to form a values education curriculum to combat these trends. Such a code has to be more than just any old listing of good and bad values and behaviors. It must meet certain requirements. Yes, it has to offer a definite, but overall sense of good and bad, right and wrong behavior. Any list of values it purports must have a hierarchical dimension (reality often pits desired values against themselves and one must be able to determine what's more important in a given situation). It must be secular and therefore have a consequential view of morals – things are good or bad not because some authority claims them to be so in absolute terms (be it supernatural or not). Since my efforts are geared toward American education, the code must be applicable to American classroom instruction. The code must provide a rationale for what is considered moral or immoral. I will also add that the code must provide a transcendent force which gives young people a legitimate reason or motivation to be good. Further, for purposes of instructional effectiveness, the code should be amenable to stories; i. e., be illustrated through narratives that help personalize its messages of goodness and evil. I want to begin by presenting a set of attributes of a code that strives to meet these requirements.

128 DIRECTIONAL VALUES FOR A FEDERATED CONSTRUCT
(November 28, 2011)

This blog is currently about developing a moral code suitable to provide a foundation for a values curriculum in our public schools. Prior postings, beginning with the one dated October 17, 2011, have laid a foundation for presenting a code by reviewing relevant ideas from the western philosophic tradition. In the last posting, I identified this code's trump value: societal welfare. This value has a two dimensional structure. The dimensions are societal survival and societal advancement. The purpose of this posting is to continue in the development of this proposed moral code by listing more substantive elements to the code.

Last night, quite by accident, my channel surfing hit upon a scene from a 1943 film set in England. The part I saw was about an elderly general who was being eased out of service because his ideas were of World War I vintage and unsuitable for the realities of World War II. In short, he was holding on to a notion that war was a gentleman's endeavor – an ideal that was antiquated in World War I. His take was that, yes, the other side were not gentlemen in the last war either, but who won? The gentlemen did. The historical accuracy of such descriptions might be in doubt, but the exchange this general has with a friend is telling. When discussing the pending removal of the old guy from service, the friend said something to the effect, you are wrong about the challenge the Nazis are posing. It is different than that of the Kaiser in 1914. They, the Nazis, are threatening our very existence as a nation and society; all other values in effect have to take second billing to the overall goal of defeating this threat. While this scene references the extreme, the existential threat to a society, it does make the point of the proposed moral code: everything takes a subordinate position to the ultimate concern of saving the society.

129 SOCIETAL HEALTH AND PRACTICALITY
(December 2, 2011)

For those of you who have been following this blog, you know that I have been developing a moral code suitable to serve as a foundation for a values curriculum. In turn, such a curriculum can be part of an overall civics approach in that values education allows civics instructors to delve into moral and ethical questions that would be derived from such a code. If an instructional strategy can propose so and so as good or evil, then it would be legitimate to organize lessons that have students analyze what should be done in given situations where relevant options are presented and debated. On a personal level, having gone to parochial schools, I was exposed to such a curriculum with the exception that that instruction was based on a sectarian moral code. What I am proposing here is a secular moral code for our public schools – secular due to many reasons, not the least the legal/constitutional requirements under which our public schools operate.

130 FEDERALLY ACHIEVING GREATNESS
(December 5, 2011)

Continuing with this blog's effort to present a moral code suitable as a base for a values curriculum in our public schools, I want to take a look at a study that Jim Collins' team of researchers conducted (Collins, J. (2001). Good to great: Why some companies make the leap … and others don't. New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.). That study looked at an array of businesses that were deemed to have been good initially but, due to some changes, became great. The primary question the study set out to answer was what made these commercial entities great.
ontinuing with this blog's effort to present a moral code suitable as a base for a values curriculum in our public schools, I want to take a look at a study that Jim Collins' team of researchers conducted (Collins, J. (2001). Good to great: Why some companies make the leap … and others don't. New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.). That study looked at an array of businesses that were deemed to have been good initially but, due to some changes, became great. The primary question the study set out to answer was what made these commercial entities great.
ontinuing with this blog's effort to present a moral code suitable as a base for a values curriculum in our public schools, I want to take a look at a study that Jim Collins' team of researchers conducted (Collins, J. (2001). Good to great: Why some companies make the leap … and others don't. New York, NY: HarperCollins Publishers, Inc.). That study looked at an array of businesses that were deemed to have been good initially but, due to some changes, became great. The primary question the study set out to answer was what made these commercial entities great.

Sunday, August 3, 2014

Twelfth Ten Postings of Gravitas

The following list of titles and accompanying dates refers to past postings on the blog, Gravitas: A Voice for Civics Education, that have been deleted.  After each title and date, the entries below include the first paragraph of each respective posting.  If you care to receive a copy of a particular posting, send your request via email to gravitascivics@gmail.com .  One posting per request.




111 TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM CRITIQUED
(September 30, 2011)

I have of late posted a series of blog entries dedicated to the ideas and ideals of our founding generation, especially those known as Whigs, Commonwealthmen, or Patriots. I reported that these leaders enjoyed support from about 40% of the population of the country at the time between the writing of the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution. Of course, that statistic is based on a lot of speculation; after all, that was over 200 years ago. I also wrote that their beliefs started to lose favor at about the same time. Yet, overall, their views, when it came to government and politics, probably had more support than any other set of beliefs. That prominent position was lost during the years following World War II. I call this earlier construct traditional federalism. It was displaced as the dominant view by the natural rights construct. If you want a taste of how different we saw the world during the time traditional federalism was dominant, watch old episodes of the TV drama, The Waltons, a series of family life in the depression years of the 1930s (I know at least one of the cable networks runs episodes daily).

112 FEDERALIST THEORY, A NEW APPLICATION
(October 3, 2011)

If you have been reading this blog of late, I have entered a series of postings that have reviewed a set of ideals that was instrumental in starting this great nation of ours. Our instruction in civics, history, and government classes should be diligent in teaching the role these ideals played. I am not saying that there are currently no attempts at doing such a review, but current treatments are seriously abbreviated and ignore much of the federalist principles I have reviewed in my postings. I believe this more federalist oriented review is advisable for many reasons, but most important because it, one, more fully explains how the nation got started and, two, has something meaningful to add to our current considerations. From those ideals, which I summarily call the traditional federalism construct, I can make the following recommendations for our civics curriculum:
  • incorporate the founding principles in our instruction regarding the foundation of our constitution
  • instruct students on the philosophical basis of our structural system with added emphasis on the role of local governments
  • strive to legitimate the expectation that citizens have duties and that often times one needs to weigh the demands of the common or public good against one's private interests
  • engage students on the need and justification for a political morality including what criteria should serve to judge good and evil in our political and governmental activities
  • along with the exclusive and collective virtues of the governed people, extol, using derived standards of morality, their shortcomings
  • emphasize individual integrity in liberty and equality as defined in our compact (US Constitution) and in our statutory provisions (what is generally considered our social contract)
  • strive to encourage and convince students that our republican form of government expects average citizens to actively engage in local grass-roots decision-making and that such activity in determining policy is in preference to detached professional expertise
These aspects of the traditional federalism construct, I believe, logically promote what previous postings have highlighted; that is, Robert Putnam's idea of social capital. To remind you, by social capital, Putnam means a societal quality characterized by having an active, public-spirited citizenry, egalitarian political relations, and a social environment of trust and cooperation.

113 TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM AND INSTRUCTIONAL STRATEGIES
(October 7, 2011)

I have been expressing through this blog the pluses and minuses of a construct which guided the origins of our national government – the traditional federalism construct. It is a construct that emphasizes republican government, local political engagement, liberty based on freedom from tyranny (including the tyranny emanating from one's passions), and the duties and obligations citizens have to place the common good above personal interests. I critiqued that construct from the perspective of a civics educator who might want to incorporate the construct as a guide to his or her work. I also began to review the research methodologies of those academics who use the construct in their work. The purpose of including this last element was to make the argument that pedagogically, the method these scholars utilize of analyzing historical documents can be transferred to the classroom and students could engage in this type of work. As such, students would analyze what our forebears thought in terms of how we should govern ourselves. Of course, such documents can include founding documents and charters, letters, Supreme Court decisions, famous speeches, recorded transcripts of legislative proceedings, famous debates, and the like.

114 LAST WORD ON TRADITIONAL FEDERALISM
(October 10, 2011)

Since my posting of July 8, I have been sharing with you my views concerning the origins of this nation in terms of our forebears' political thoughts and values. Naturally, these beliefs had much to do with how the United States got started and how and why our constitution was written. Central to that process was a set of beliefs I have labeled traditional federalism. I want to conclude my presentation of traditional federalism by tying its tenets to our responsibilities of conducting a viable civics curriculum. Walter C. Parker, I believe, has something powerful to state concerning our overall charge:

Let me begin by specifying the desired outcome of education for democracy as Enlightened Political Engagement … The concept has two dimensions – democratic enlightenment and political engagement – and together they suggest something like wise participation or reflective involvement. (Parker, W. C. (2001). Toward enlightened political engagement. In W. B. Stanley (Ed.), Critical issues in social studies research for the 21st century (pp. 97-118). Greenwich, CT: Information Age Publishing. Quotation on p. 99, emphasis in the original.)

Potentially, school attendance places students in an environment in which enlightened political engagement is a norm or at least is presented in a way so that students could understand its benefits. As Parker writes, “[s]chooling is important for a democracy because it gives one more power and gives one ideas about how to use it.” All this rings true even though, as John Patrick and John Hoge argue, schools could be more effective in this regard. Patrick and the National Council for the Social Studies agree with me on the notion that we should not, despite the number of years that has elapsed since our beginnings, totally forget or regard as totally irrelevant the substance of ideas and ideals the founders left us. I have tried to make the case that at its core, traditional federalism can be utilized in the effort to impart enlightened political engagement. After all, traditional federalism, more than any other set of ideas, served as a foundation, as a definition for our ideas of citizenship, provided the basic concepts of how government should be structured, and successfully encouraged a general spirit of active citizenship that Alexis de Tocqueville observed as late as the 1830s. I have already shared with you Tocqueville's reporting of American cultural traits supportive of communal engagement and the manifestation of those traits in active, local decision-making. All of this was legitimized by the broad acceptance of values and ideas constituting traditional federalism.

115 TRANSITION TO LIBERATED FEDERALISM
(October 14, 2011)

This blog will now shift direction. In recent postings, I have been writing about a mental construct instrumental to the founding of our nation. The traditional federalism construct left this nation with a set of beliefs that still have significant influence on our political thinking despite the fact that as a whole set of ideas, it no longer holds a predominant position in our political culture. That “honor” belongs to the natural rights construct to which I dedicated many initial postings. As for federalist values, I must add that at no time did belief in them eliminate or significantly curtail “sinning,” behavior that offended the moral prescripts of the federalist mind set. Ken Burn's recently broadcast series, Prohibition, provides ample evidence that Americans did not suffer from any paucity of anti social and delinquent behavior throughout their history. What I will point out, though, is that Americans also had a sense that all those shenanigans were wrong, whereas of late, they seem highly more tolerant and ascribe far less illegitimacy toward such behaviors. The women's groups that fought excessive drunkenness could illicit a sense of shame from communities back in the twenties and early thirties and even the men who engaged in alcoholic abuses could feel the sting of guilt. Shame, I sometimes think, is a thing of the past as we seem to have crossed some moral – or should I write immoral – bridge.

116 INTRODUCING MORAL THOUGHTS OF FEDERATION THEORY
(October 17, 2011)

In each of our historical time periods, I mean our national historical time periods, there have been one or two prominent moral issues gnawing at our national conscience. There were the moral issues surrounding slavery, alcoholism, poverty, global threats to democracy from totalitarian regimes, and so on. President George W. Bush spoke of the “Axis of Evil” and today we have rumblings over whether our financial debacle which ignited in 2008 was the product of unscrupulous activities by our financial institutions or the narcissistic behaviors of common citizens amassing personal debt to sustain life styles they couldn't afford (the only other time personal debt amounted to 100% of GDP was in 1929). In any of these eras, one can make the claim that our schools should have addressed, with urgency, values and values education.

117 GET'EM WHERE THEY LIVE
(October 21, 2011)

In terms of getting a handle on why any organized effort acts the way it does, I believe the place to start is to look at the dominant shared values among those involved in the effort. That goes for educational efforts as well – be they in this country or any other. I have on several occasions in this blog written about the emphasis that the dominant political construct in our nation, the natural rights construct, puts on the concepts of the individual and individual rights – individual sovereignty. I will remind you that at its base, the natural rights construct is a moral argument. It promotes individualism because it holds the rights of individuals as a trump value and this commitment sets a direction for its entire approach.
The ideal of individual sovereignty is logically related to what Kant calls the “universal law of justice: act externally in such a way that the free use of your will is compatible with the freedom of everyone according to a universal law” – where “according to a universal law” means according to a rule that favors no one at the expense of others. (Reiman, J. (1994). Liberalism and its critics. In C. F. Delaney (Ed.), The liberalism-communitarism debate (pp. 19-37). Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, Inc., p. 21.)
Since that construct dominates civics and social studies education in our schools, any challenge to its position needs to counter this foundation. Strategically, people who would like to replace the dominant construct might begin by looking at where that construct has guided values education. To add a bit of context, let me point out that values education was a central part of our schools' curricula before the natural rights view became the dominant one. Prior to the 1960s, our schools unabashedly promoted values instruction based on a Protestant theology. The natural rights construct, on the other hand, has dramatically abandoned this more sectarian view of values education. Below I review this latter development. I will point out here, though, that supporters of natural rights have been very successful in instituting their views – it has become the legitimate perspective of values education among developers of curriculum. Therefore, for anyone challenging the dominant construct, such as myself in promoting federation theory, in order to make any headway, the need is to address where the natural rights construct has taken us in terms of values education.

118 DEFICIENCY OF CHARACTER EXPLAINED
(October 24, 2011)

As I established in the last posting, the values clarification instructional model became the instructional approach utilized by natural rights curriculum designers. In order to delve into the ideas of morality expressed by the values clarification model of instruction and its consequences, James Hunter provides us with some key observations. Values clarification model refers to the main approach utilized by schools, at least as reflected in official curricula, in dealing with values and questions of good and evil. In his book, Death of Character, Hunter expresses as his major argument that certain social forces, such as diversity and the liberal perspective have, since the 1960s, basically de-legitimized the holistic moral model or code that prevailed in our schools' curricula. He argues that that earlier code promoted a sense of character among our population. He presents this argument in a nonjudgmental way; he basically expresses this development as a matter of fact.

119 CHALLENGE: TREATING VALUES IN PUBLIC SCHOOLS
(October 28, 2011)

Should public schools be about the business of promoting values? I have indicated in previous postings that this can be a touchy proposal for some. Replace the words “public schools” in the question with “government” and I think you can see why. For the sake of full disclosure, I am a product of parochial schools (except for the last couple of months of my fourth grade year). I did go to public institutions for my undergraduate and graduate education, but for the rest – K through 12 – the nuns and brothers saw me through those challenging years. And, in so doing, they gave me a good dose of values education. It was, at least at some emotional level, an effective effort. While many of the details of those lessons have fallen by the wayside, I still hold quite firmly some of the core values and principles that education promoted. Within those years, if memory serves me correctly, each day started with religious instruction. I have often wondered why public schools don't have something similar in terms of addressing moral or ethical issues. Could this be done within the constraints of the First Amendment and its prohibition against the “establishment” of religion clause? I believe public schools can and should do this as an antidote to the prevailing levels of incivility, criminality, and nihilism that sufficiently warrant such an inclusion in our public school curriculum.

120 UTILITARIANISM: SECULAR BUT TROUBLESOME
(October 31, 2011)

Readers of this blog know that I am in the midst of trying to devise a moral code that can be utilized in guiding curriculum designers and teachers in values education. I have made the argument that values education that deals with morality has been systematically avoided in many of our public school classrooms. My focus is on values education that can be taught in public schools where the challenge is heightened by constitutional restrictions against sectarian approaches to this area of instruction. I have, in a previous posting, made the claim that such a code needs to be “secular, non-ideological, and substantive enough so that a values education curriculum can develop within the constitutional parameters of our laws.” I indicated that in developing such a code, I would comb the contribution of western philosophic writers to gather those ideas and arguments that would assist in such an effort. This posting will review two traditions: Aristotelian and utilitarian approaches, two varied views.